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HT Mitchell for sharing this.
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The tax rate is 16 Danish kroner per kilogram of saturated fat in a food – in terms Americans can understand, that’s about $6.27 per pound of saturated fat – and it kicks in when the saturated fat content of a food item exceeds 2.3%.
[...] the tax adds 12 cents to a bag of chips, 39 cents to a small package of butter and 40 cents to the price of a hamburger.Here is why the tax has been enacted.
[...] Denmark lags in terms of life expectancy, and the country hopes the measure will increase the average lifespan by three years over the next decade.A respectable goal. Will the tax work? Via BBC News:
Some consumers began hoarding to beat the price rise, while some producers call the tax a bureaucratic nightmare. Others suggest that many Danes will simply start shopping abroad.These possibilities make clear the unintended consequences of policy. Will the "fat tax" impact public health and increase lifespans, or will it simply alter when and where consumers buy their fatty goods. Local entrepreneurs could capitalize on a this newly created opportunity to providing fatty goods at a slightly lower cost on the black market. German "fat shops" could pop up right across the border, selling candy, dairy, and snack foods at lower prices than what a Danish consumer could get in Denmark. There are also other reasonable scenarios where Danes could get around the tax. Consumers could shift their consumption to other unhealthy foods that have low fat, but high refined sugar and sodium content. Producers could innovate around the tax by manipulating fat contents by included other potentially harmful ingredients.
Linnet Juul says the tax mechanism is very complex, involving tax rates on the percentage of fat used in making a product rather than the percentage that is in the end-product.
As such, only the arrangements of how companies should handle the tax payments could cost Danish businesses about $28 million in the first year, he said.This number is obviously just an estimate, but the fat tax is going to be difficult to implement successfully and could cost businesses a substantial amount of money in terms of revenue and administrative costs (not to mention the cost to the government... although admittedly they could make a killing).
Over the next decade, Mr. Bogle said stocks are likely to generate an average annual return, including dividends, of around 7%. "Your money will double in 10 years," he said.
When Jahn Hakes and I embarked on our first academic paper on the subject, we thought there was a decent chance that we could refute the economic claims in Moneyball, in particular that players with high OBP were under-priced in the labor market. Any card-carrying economist knows this is inconsistent with equilibrium in a well-functioning, competitive labor market, and were not baseball teams intensely competitive? But instead, Jahn and I found that high OBP players did come cheap, relative to the contribution of their skill to winning baseball games. Intriguingly however, we found that the “OBP discount” vanished in 2004, the year that Moneyball was published. The likely reason: other teams, like Michael Lewis, had looked into what was going on in Oakland, and hired people out of the A’s front office. Now there were multiple bidders for high-OBP players in baseball’s labor market, thus driving up their price.OBP refers to on-base-percentage. And more from his second paper inspired by Moneyball.
In the early, pre-expansion period of 1986-1993, the estimated percentage boost in salary from a one standard deviation increase in the ability to take walks was a measly 2.8%. Post-Moneyball, the figure was 14.0%. The financial returns to the overlooked skill increased by a factor of five. Is that not indicative of a fundamental change in the game?Pretty impressive findings. I've been thinking about sports economics as a potential career for several years now. Perhaps this movie will generate some buzz and increase demand for people trained in economics, statistics, finance, and mathematics that want to work in professional sports for a career. Or even college sports for that matter. As someone who grew up in a great college town, I wonder about the extent to which big-time college football programs are actively implementing advanced statistical analysis to improve their teams.
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Differences between blacks and whites in test scores and labor market outcomes are stark. While much catchup occurred post-Civil rights, convergence has slowed. We examine how differences across education and labor market outcomes vary by maternal race and own race with identification coming from mixed-race families. While black students with white mothers come from families with similar demographics to black students with black mothers, their education and labor market outcomes are very different. There are no significant differences in test scores, grades, college graduation, and wages between black and white males with white mothers, yet large differences exist between these groups and black males with black mothers. These results are insensitive to alternative measures of own-race, using skin tone instead of own race, and including school fixed effects.The paper is somewhat controversial depending on how the results are interpreted. One caveat is that these results are only statistically significant for boys, although girls' outcomes follow a similar pattern. Several major points stuck with me from the seminar.
That fact that the results seem to be different depending upon whether race is coded as race of the mother or race of the child is suggestive that race of the mother may have an affect on outcomes distinct from its effect through the race of the child. This pattern is supported by the findings in this paper which points towards differential investment patterns across mothers of different races.
If you look at someone like Interfluidity, known to his mother as Steve Randy Waldman, he is not credentialed the way that Paul Krugman is, but he is a brilliant guy. I think of him as much of an economist or more than any economist. I think partly, the notion of who or what is an economist is breaking down. Take Matt Yglesias, Matt is a philosophy undergraduate major at Harvard. Matt is a way better economist than most economists. It is as if being an economist is this new thing. It’s not just about researching an area for a few years and publishing a paper, it’s about knowing how to twiddle the dials on the internet and learn from this collective thing called the blogosphere, your twitter feed, or other sources that are out there and Matt is awesome at that, and in a funny way is one of the world’s best economists.It is somewhat surprising to hear an academic economist acknowledge that people who are not formally schooled in economics can be better economists than people who have their PhDs. As someone who is planning on getting an MA in economics and working in the private sector, it is refreshing to hear that you don't have to have a doctorate to make a difference in the field.